蘇納克去了鄉下：為什麼是現在？

《固定任期議會法》被悄悄廢除後，鮑里斯·約翰遜（Boris Johnson）為自己和他的繼任者收回了（通過君主）解散議會並舉行大選的權力。無論好壞，Rishi Sunak 都行使了這種權力。

Boris Johnson quietly repealed the Fixed-Term Parliaments Act, which allowed him and his successors to dissolve Parliament and call a general election through the monarch. Now, for better or worse, Rishi Sunak has used this power.

鮑里斯·約翰遜悄悄廢除了《固定任期議會法》，該法允許他和他的繼任者解散議會並透過君主召集大選。現在，無論好壞，Rishi Sunak 已經使用了這種力量。

For the pedants out there, July 4 is technically in the second half of the year, but it's not quite the autumn date that Sunak had previously mentioned. As a result, his announcement came as a surprise, especially considering the iron rule of British politics: prime ministers don't go to the country when they're more than 20 points behind in the opinion polls. This begs the question: why now?

對學究們來說，7 月 4 日嚴格來說是下半年，但這並不完全是蘇納克之前提到的秋季日期。因此，他的宣布令人意外，尤其是考慮到英國政治的鐵律：當民調落後超過 20 個百分點時，首相不會前往該國。這就引出了一個問題：為什麼是現在？

The logical conclusion is that Sunak and his inner circle don't believe that things will improve, to borrow a phrase. Even if the economy recovers, inflation decreases, and interest rates drop, this feel-good factor won't necessarily translate into support for the Conservatives. The longer the Prime Minister waits to call an election amid this “time for a change” momentum, the harsher the voters' response may be.

借用一句話來說，合乎邏輯的結論是，蘇納克和他的核心圈子不相信事情會有所改善。即使經濟復甦、通膨下降、利率下降，這種感覺良好的因素不一定會轉化為對保守黨的支持。在這種「改變時刻」的勢頭下，首相等待召集選舉的時間越長，選民的反應可能就越嚴厲。

In that case, one could argue that this election is long overdue.

在這種情況下，人們可能會說這次選舉早就該舉行了。

Even in 2019, when Jeremy Corbyn led Labour to its worst defeat since 1935, the party performed well in the capital, winning 49 of 73 constituencies. However, Sir Keir Starmer could still gain a few more.

即使在 2019 年，傑里米·科爾賓 (Jeremy Corbyn) 領導工黨遭遇自 1935 年以來最嚴重的失敗時，該黨在首都也表現出色，贏得了 73 個選區中的 49 個選區。然而，凱爾·斯塔默爵士仍然可以獲得更多。

Labour is expected to gain Tory seats like Kensington and Bayswater, Chingford and Woodford Green, and Chipping Barnet. Meanwhile, the Liberal Democrats may hope to defeat the Conservatives in Wimbledon, Carshalton and Wallington, and seats in the Home Counties, known as the "Blue Wall."

工黨預計將獲得肯辛頓和貝斯沃特、清福德和伍德福德格林以及奇平巴尼特等保守黨席位。同時，自由民主黨可能希望在溫布頓、卡肖爾頓和沃靈頓擊敗保守黨，並在被稱為「藍牆」的家鄉縣獲得席位。

The issues at stake will also vary across the capital, from the Ulez extension and housing to the Israel-Hamas conflict. At the same time, all Londoners want a government that will not level down our city but instead elevate it as the wealth-creating, job-producing, and talent-exploding capital that it is. In other words, Londoners aren't all that different from voters in other parts of the UK.

整個首都面臨的問題也各不相同，從烏萊茲擴建和住房到以色列與哈馬斯的衝突。同時，所有倫敦人都希望政府不會貶低我們的城市，而是將其提升為創造財富、創造就業和人才爆炸的首都。換句話說，倫敦人與英國其他地區的選民並沒有太大不同。

Our capital's now 75 seats are up for grabs — the parties ought not ignore the global city on their doorstep.

我們首都現在有 75 個席位可供爭奪——各方不應忽視家門口的這個全球城市。

It's the item that's dividing Londoners: some swear by it, while others swear at those who wear it. We're talking about changing robes, specifically the Dryrobe.

這件物品讓倫敦人產生了分歧：有些人對它發誓，而有些人則對佩戴它的人發誓。我們正在談論更換長袍，特別是乾袍。

Outdoor swimming has certainly become more popular, thanks in part to the lockdown. But our writer El Hunt has noticed a strange trend: the drier the location, the more likely you are to see a Dryrobe.

戶外游泳無疑變得越來越受歡迎，部分原因是封鎖。但我們的作家 El Hunt 注意到了一個奇怪的趨勢：地點越乾燥，你就越有可能看到 Dryrobe。

The item risks becoming the Chelsea Tractor of clothing, bought not for its off-road capabilities but for what it says about the wearer. So yes, the Dryrobe is polarizing, but it might still poll better than the Conservative Party. If only the Prime Minister had thought to wear his while speaking in the pouring rain at Downing Street.

該產品有可能成為服裝界的切爾西拖拉機，人們購買它不是因為它的越野能力，而是因為它對穿著者的評價。所以，是的，乾衣黨正在兩極分化，但它的民調可能仍比保守黨更好。如果首相在唐寧街傾盆大雨中發表演說時能穿上它就好了。

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