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当媒体指出特朗普的“潜在利益冲突”(最近几天描述了特朗普日益增长的加密企业时,它都无法告诉公众真正发生了什么 - 美国总统使用他的办公室来赚取数十亿美元。
The article highlights the concern over the media's use of the term "potential conflicts of interest" in discussing Trump's ventures.
这篇文章强调了对媒体在讨论特朗普冒险活动中使用“潜在利益冲突”一词的关注。
It argues that while some legal scholars reserve the term 'corruption' for matters ruled upon by a court, the common-sense and critical definition is broader.
它认为,尽管一些法律学者为法院裁定的事项保留“腐败”一词,但常识性和批判性定义更为广泛。
The article criticizes the lack of urgency in mobilizing public opinion against Trump's actions, which it sees as an urgent matter.
这篇文章批评在动员特朗普的行动中动员公众舆论时缺乏紧迫性,这是紧迫的事情。
It's also noted that the article mentions Trump's family earning an estimated $2.9 billion from his crypto endeavors in the last six months, and a new report estimates the family's wealth has increased by $2.9 billion in the last six months.
还指出,本文提到特朗普的家人在过去六个月中的加密货币企业中获得了约29亿美元的收入,而一份新报告估计,过去六个月,该家庭的财富增长了29亿美元。
The article further claims that Trump's actions, such as collecting on a favor or engaging in a quid pro quo deal for himself or his family, which he's reportedly doing more and more often, are transactions that can be defined as corrupt.
这篇文章进一步声称,特朗普的行为,例如对自己或他的家人收取偏爱或与之达成协议的交易,据报道,他越来越多地做的是可以将其定义为腐败的交易。
The article concludes by stating that some legal scholars say "corruption" occurs only after a court so rules. But this isn't the common-sense definition, and the critical venue for restraining Trump is the court of public opinion.
本文总结说,一些法律学者说“腐败”仅在法院统治之后才发生。但这不是常识的定义,限制特朗普的关键场所是公众舆论。
When Trump collects on a favor or engages in a quid pro quo deal for himself or his family — which he's doing more and more often — the transactions are corrupt.
当特朗普收获恩宠或为自己或他的家人(他越来越经常地做)交易时,交易是腐败的。
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